Retail is not the growth engine for Democratise in years one to three — it is the political and licence-to-operate asset that makes an institutional, foreign-capital venue defensible in Australian public debate. The unit economics below break even at roughly 38,000–42,000 funded accounts. That is achievable, but not on a three-year horizon without a distribution partner doing the acquisition work for free. Councils are that partner.
The strongest product is the one that looks least like tokenisation: a small-denomination civic bond for a named local project, sold by a Mayor to residents who can see the thing being built. It has a working precedent in the UK Community Municipal Investment market, where Abundance-issued CMIs have run at sub-2% default framing across typical 5–7 year tenors, and it converts an abstract yield decision into a civic one.
Where we challenge the brief: Green Saver as specified fails an honest viability test. At an indicative 4.2–4.8% p.a. before fees it sits inside the noise band of at-call and 12-month term deposits, which carry the Financial Claims Scheme guarantee that Green Saver cannot. Selling a non-guaranteed, gate-able product against a guaranteed one on a 20–60bps edge is a conduct problem waiting to happen. The nearest viable alternative is to launch Green Saver only when the modelled net band clears prevailing 12-month term deposits by ≥150bps, and until then use a A$250 civic bond parcel as the on-ramp product instead.
Retail secondary trading is assumed to require an Australian Market Licence. Every liquidity mechanism specified here — quarterly and monthly exit windows, matched-buyer auctions, capped sponsor buy-backs — is deliberately designed as scheme redemption machinery rather than a market, and is disclosed as such.